Special Counsel Robert Mueller encouraged every American to read what his two-year investigation uncovered. Prev Post Common Cause et al. Trump Trump Tower Meeting Solicitation Here are two links. Depending upon the browser and software you have on your device, the first link should open the full Mueller Report in your browser. This link works best with Google Chrome with Adobe Acrobat linked to the browser. You can then click on the link in the open window and the file will be downloaded.
Remember, the Mueller Report is over pages long. Michael, Putin gets on stage with Donald for a ribbon cutting for Trump Moscow, and Donald owns the republican nomination.
And possibly beats Hillary and our boy is in We will manage this process better than anyone. You and I will get Donald and Vladimir on a stage together very shortly. That the game changer. Donald doesn't stare down, he negotiates and understands the economic issues and Putin only want to deal with a pragmatic leader, and a successful business man is a good candidate for someone who knows how to negotiate. LOI, Schedule 2.
I think I can get Putin to say that at the Trump Moscow press conference. If he says it we own this election. Americas most difficult adversary agreeing that Donald is a good guy to negotiate.. We can own this election. Michael my next steps are very sensitive with Putins very very close people, we can pull this off. Michael lets go. This is good really good. According to Cohen, he did not consider the political import of the Trump Moscow project to the U.
Cohen also did not recall candidate Trump or anyone affiliated with the Trump Campaign discussing the political implications of the Trump Moscow project with him. However, Cohen recalled conversations with Trump in which the candidate suggested that his campaign would be a significant "infomercial" for Trump-branded properties. Given the size of the Trump Moscow project, Sater and Cohen believed the project required approval whether express or implicit from the Russian national government, including from the Presidential Administration of Russia.
On October 12, , for example, Sater wrote to Cohen that "all we need is Putin on board and we are golden " and that a "meeting with Putin and top deputy is tentatively set for the 14th [of October]. Alexander," which said in part, "If you ask anyone who knows Russian to google my husband Dmitry Klokov, you' ll see who he is close to and that he has done Putin's political campaigns. Ivanka Trump forwarded the email to Cohen. Between November 18 and 19, ; Klokov and Cohen had at least one telephone call and exchanged several emails.
Describing himself in emails to Cohen as a "trusted person" who could offer the Campaign "political synergy" and "synergy on a government level," Klokov recommended that Cohen travel to Russia to speak with him and an unidentified intermediary. Klokov said that those conversations could facilitate a later meeting in Russia between the candidate and an individual Klokov described as "our person of interest.
In the telephone call and follow-on emails with Klokov, Cohen discussed his desire to use a near-term trip to Russia to do site surveys and talk over the Trump Moscow project with local developers. Cohen registered his willingness also to meet with Klokov and the unidentified intermediary, but was emphatic that all meetings in Russia involving him or candidate Trump-- including a possible meeting between candidate Trump and Putin-would need to be "in conjunction with the development and an official visit" with the Trump Organization receiving a formal invitation to visit.
Klokov had also previously recommended to Cohen that he separate their negotiations over a possible meeting between Trump and "the person of interest" from any existing business track. Trump to Cohen. During his interviews with the Office, Cohen still appeared to believe that the Klokov he spoke with was that Olympian. The investigation, however, established that the email address used to communicate with Cohen belongs to a different Dmitry Klokov, as described above.
The email claimed that the officials wanted to offer candidate Trump "land in Crimea among other things and unofficial meeting with Putin. In order to vet the email's claims, the Office responded requesting more details.
The Office did not receive any reply. I assure you, after the meeting level of projects and their capacity can be completely different, having the most important support. Cohen that there was "no bigger warranty in any project than [the] consent of the person of interest. Cohen explained that he did not pursue the proposed meeting because he was already working on the Moscow Project with Sater, who Cohen understood to have his own connections to the Russian government.
By late December , however, Cohen was complaining that Sater had not been able to use those connections to set up the promised meeting with Russian government officials. Cohen told Sater that he was "setting up the meeting myself. Dear Mr. Peskov, Over the past few months, I have been working with a company based in Russia regarding the development of a Trump Tower-Moscow project in Moscow City.
Without getting into lengthy specifics, the communication between our two sides has stalled. As this project is too important, I am hereby requesting your assistance. I respectfully request someone, preferably you; contact me so that I might discuss the specifics as well as arranging meetings with the appropriate individuals. I thank you in advance for your assistance and look forward to hearing from you soon.
Cohen testified to Congress, and initially told the Office, that he did not recall receiving a response to this email inquiry and that he decided to terminate any further work on the Trump Moscow project as of January Cohen later admitted that these statements were false.
Writing from her personal email account, Poliakova stated that she had been trying to reach Cohen and asked that he call her on the personal number that she provided. Cohen requested assistance in moving the project forward, both in securing land to build the project and with financing. According to Cohen, Poliakova asked detailed questions and took notes, stating that she would need to follow up with others in Russia.
Cohen could not recall any direct follow-up from Poliakova or from any other representative of the Russian government, nor did the Office identify any evidence of direct follow-up. However, the day after Cohen 's call with Poliakova, Sater texted Cohen, asking him to "[c]all me when you have a few minutes to chat..
It's about Putin they called today. Donald Trump. Cohen's interactions with President Trump and the President's lawyers when preparing his congressional testimony are discussed further in Volume II. See Vol. II, Section II. Cohen[,] I can' t get through to both your phones. Pis, call me. Additional information about Genbank can be found infra.
Beginning in late , Sater repeatedly tried to arrange for Cohen and candidate Trump, as representatives of the Trump Organization, to travel to Russia to meet with Russian government officials and possible financing partners. In December , Sater sent Cohen a number of emails about logistics for traveling to Russia for meetings. Please call me I have Evgeney [Dvoskin] on the other line. In response, Cohen texted Sater an image of his own passport.
At the time that Sater provided this financing letter to Cohen, Genbank was subject to U. Dvoskin, who had been deported from the United States in for criminal activity, was under indictment in the United States for stock fraud under the aliases Eugene Slusker and Gene Shustar.
Rizzo, et al. Into the spring of , Sater and Cohen continued to discuss a trip to Moscow in connection with the Trump Moscow project. On April 20, , Sater wrote Cohen, " [t]he People wanted to know when you are coming? I had a chat with Moscow. I said I believe, but don't know for sure, that's it's probably after the convention. Obviously the pre-meeting trip you only can happen anytime you want but the 2 big guys where [sic] the question.
I said I would confirm and revert. Let me know about If I was right by saying I believe after Cleveland and also when you want to speak to them and possibly fly over. Cohen responded, "My trip before Cleveland. Trump once he becomes the nominee after the convention. The day after this exchange, Sater tied Cohen's travel to Russia to the St. Petersburg International Economic Forum "Forum" , an annual event attended by prominent Russian politicians and businessmen.
Sater told the Office that he was informed by a business associate that Peskov wanted to invite Cohen to the Forum. Peskov would like to invite you as his guest to the St. Petersburg Forum which is Russia's Davos it's June He wants to meet there with you and possibly introduce you to either Putin or Medvedev, as they are not sure if 1 or both will be there.
This is perfect. The entire business class of Russia wiH be there as well. He said anything you want to discuss including dates and subjects are on the table to discuss[. The following day, Sater asked Cohen to confirm those dates would work for him to travel; Cohen wrote back, " [w]orks for me.
On June 9, , Sater sent Cohen a notice that he Sater was completing the badges for the Forum, adding, " Putin is there on the 17th very strong chance you will meet him as well. Cohen was concerned that Russian officials were not actually involved or were not interested in meeting with him as Sater had alleged , and so he decided not to go to the Forum. The investigation identified evidence that, during the period the Trump Moscow project was under consideration, the possibility of candidate Trump visiting Russia arose in two contexts.
First, in interviews with the Office, Cohen stated that he discussed the subject of traveling to Russia with Trump twice: once in late ; and again in spring On one occasion, Trump told Cohen to speak with then-campaign manager Corey Lewandowski to coordinate the candidate's schedule. Cohen recalled that he spoke with Lewandowski, who suggested that they speak again when Cohen had actual dates to evaluate.
Cohen indicated, however, that he knew that travel prior to the Republican National Convention would be impossible given the candidate' s preexisting commitments to the Campaign.
Second, like Cohen, Trump received and turned down an invitation to the St. Petersburg International Economic Forum. Trump to Graff a. It does not appear that Graff prepared that note immediately. At approximately the same time that the letter was being prepared, Robert Foresman-a New York-based investment banker-began reaching out to Graff to secure an in-person meeting with candidate Trump. According to Foresman, he had been asked by Anton Kobyakov, a Russian presidential aide involved with the Roscongress Foundation, to see if Trump could speak at the Forum.
In his email, Foresman referenced his long-standing personal and professional expertise in Russia and Ukraine, his work setting up an early "private channel" between Vladimir Putin and former U. President George W. Bush, and an "approach" he had received from "senior Kremlin officials" about the candidate. Foresman asked Graff for a meeting with the candidate, Corey Lewandowski, or "another relevant person" to discuss this and other "concrete things" Foresman felt uncomfortable discussing over "unsecure email.
On November 20, , the President provided written answers to those questions through counsel. Trump Nov. Graff prepared for my signature a brief response declining the invitation. With no response forthcoming, Foresman twice sent reminders to Graff-first on April 26 and again on April 30, No communications or other evidence obtained by the Office indicate that the Trump Campaign learned that Foresman was reaching out to invite the candidate to the Forum or that the Campaign otherwise followed up with Foresman until after the election, when he interacted with the Transition Team as he pursued a possible position in the incoming Administration.
According to Foresman, the "concrete things" he referenced in the same email were a combination of the invitation itself, Foresman' s personal perspectives on the invitation and Russia policy in general, and details of a Ukraine plan supported by a U. Foresman told the Office that Kobyakov had extended similar invitations through him to another Republican presidential candidate and one other politician. Foresman also said that Kobyakov had asked Foresman to invite Trump to speak after that other presidential candidate withdrew from the race and the other politician's participation did not work out.
Foresman commented that he had not recognized any of the experts announced as Trump's foreign policy team in March , and wanted to secure an in-person meeting with the candidate to share his professional background and policy views, including that Trump should decline Kobyakov's invitation to speak at the Forum. Miller forwarding March email from Foresman. One week later, on May 6, , Papadopoulos suggested to a representative of a foreign government that the Trump Campaign had received indications from the Russian government that it could assist the Campaign through the anonymous release of information that would be damaging to candidate Clinton.
Papadopoulos shared information about Russian "dirt" with people outside of the Campaign, and the Office investigated whether he also provided it to a Campaign official. Throughout the relevant period of time and for several months thereafter, Papadopoulos worked with Mifsud and two Russian nationals to arrange a meeting between the Campaign and the Russian government. That meeting never came to pass. In March , Papadopoulos became a foreign policy advisor to the Trump Campaign.
Although Carson remained in the presidential race until early March , Papadopoulos had stopped actively working for his campaign by early February Papadopoulos later pleaded guilty, pursuant to a plea agreement, to an information charging him with making false statements to the FBI, in violation of 18 U. At the time of Papadopoulos's March 2 email, the media was criticizing the Trump Campaign for lack of experienced foreign policy or national security advisors within its ranks.
Approximately a week after signing on as a foreign policy advisor, Papadopoulos traveled. George Papadopoulos, 1: cr D. In January and February , Mifsud and - discussed possibly meeting in Russia. Later, in the spring of , - was also in contact - that was linked to an employee of the Russian Ministry of Defense, and that account had overlapping contacts with a group of Russian military- controlled Facebook accounts that included accounts used to promote the DCLeaks releases in the course of the GRU' s hack-and-release operations see Volume I, Section III.
According to Papadopoulos, Mifsud at first seemed uninterested in Papadopoulos when they met in Rome. On March 24, , Papadopoulos met with Mifsud in London.
Mifsud introduced Polonskaya as a former student of his who had connections to Vladimir Putin. Following his meeting with Mifsud, Papadopoulos sent an email to members of the Trump Campaign's foreign policy advisory team.
The subject line of the message was "Meeting with Russian Ieadership--including Putin. I just finished a very productive lunch with a good friend of mine, Joseph Mifsud, the director of the London Academy of Diplomacy--who introduced me to both Putin' s niece and the Russian Ambassador in London--who also acts as the Deputy Foreign Minister.
The topic of the lunch was to arrange a meeting between us and the Russian leadership to discuss U. They are keen to host us in a "neutral" city, or directly in Moscow. They said the leadership, including Putin, is ready to meet with us and Mr. Trump should there be interest. Waiting for everyone's thoughts on moving forward with this very important issue. As noted above, the woman he met was not Putin's niece, he had not met the Russian Ambassador in London, and the Ambassador did not also serve as Russia's Deputy Foreign Minister.
Papadopoulos's message came at a time when Clovis perceived a shift in the Campaign 's approach toward Russia-from one of engaging with Russia throu h the NA TO framework and takin a stron stance on Russian a ession in Ukraine,.
Clovis's response to Papadopoulos, however, did not reflect that shift. Replying to Papadopoulos and the other members of the foreign policy advisory team copied on the initial email, Clovis wrote:. This is most informative. Let me work it through the campaign. No commitments until we see how this plays out. My thought is that we probably should not go forward with any meetings with the Russians until we have had occasion to sit with our NATO allies, especially France, Germany and Great Britain.
We need to reassure our allies that we are not going to advance anything with Russia until we have everyone on the same page. The Campaign held a meeting of the foreign policy advisory team with Senator Sessions and candidate Trump approximately one week later, on March 31 , , in Washington, D.
At the meeting, Senator Sessions sat at one end of an oval table, while Trump sat at the other. As reflected in the photograph below which was posted to Trump's Instagram account , Papadopoulos sat between the two, two seats to Sessions ' s left:. During the meeting, each of the newly announced foreign policy advisors introduced themselves and briefly described their areas of experience or expertise.
Trump and Sessions both reacted to Papadopoulos's statement. Papadopoulos and Campaign advisor J. Gordon- who told investigators in an interview that he had a "crystal clear" recollection of the meeting-have stated that Trump was interested in and receptive to the idea of a meeting with Putin.
Whatever Sessions'. Department of Justice Aftern. To the contrary, Papadopoulos told the Office that he understood the Campaign to be supportive of his efforts to arrange such a meeting. Throughout April , Papadopoulos continued to correspond with, meet with, and seek Russia contacts through Mifsud and, at times, Polonskaya. Petersburg" but "would be very pleased to support [Papadopoulos's] initiatives between our two countries" and "to meet [him] again. Mifsud, who had been copied on the email exchanges, replied on the morning of April 11 , He wrote, "This is already been agreed.
I am flying to Moscow on the 18th for a Valdai meeting, plus other meetings at the Duma. We will talk tomorrow. Trump," and that "[t]he Russian Federation would love to welcome him once his candidature would be officially announced. Nuclear Stance, Washington Post Feb. Papadopoulos's and Mifsud's mentions of seeing each other "tomorrow" referenced a meeting that the two had scheduled for the next morning, April 12, , at the Andaz Hotel in London. Papadopoulos acknowledged the meeting during interviews with the Office, and records from Papadopoulos's UK cellphone and his internet-search history all indicate that the meeting took place.
Following the meeting, Mifsud traveled as planned to Moscow. After a stop in Rome, Mifsud returned to England on April 25, See Papadopoulos Linkedln Connections lmlllllll. Mifsud also said that, on the trip, he learned that the Russians had obtained "dirt" on candidate Hillary Clinton.
As Papadopoulos later stated to the FBI, Mifsud said that the "dirt" was in the form of "emails of Clinton," and that they "have thousands of emails. While he was discussing with his foreign contacts a potential meeting of campaign officials with Russian government officials, Papadopoulos kept campaign officials apprised of his efforts.
On April 2 5, , the day before Mifsud told Papadopoulos about the emails, Papadopoulos wrote to senior policy advisor Stephen Miller that " [t]he Russian government has an open invitation by Putin for Mr.
Trump to meet him when he is ready," and that " [t]he advantage of being in London is that these governments tend to speak a bit more openly in 'neutral' cities.
Papadopoulos's Russia-related communications with Campaign officials continued throughout the spring and summer of On May 4, , he forwarded to Lewandowski an email from Timofeev raising the possibility of a meeting in Moscow, asking Lewandowski whether that was " something we want to move forward with. Trump," stating that "Russia has been eager to meet Mr. Trump for quite sometime and have been reaching out to me. The foreign government conveyed this information to the U.
The FBI opened its investigation of potential coordination between Russia and the Trump Campaign a few days later based on the information. Miller 8: p. Miller p. Papadopoulos, and stated: "Let[']s discuss. We need someone to communicate that [Trump] is not doing these trips.
It should be someone low level in the Campaign so as not to send any signal. On June 1, , Papadopoulos replied to an earlier email chain with Lewandowski about a Russia visit, asking if Lewandowski "want[ed] to have a call about this topic" and whether "we were following up with it.
Trump is interested in visiting Russia at some point. After several email and Skype exchanges with Timofeev, Papadopoulos sent one more email to Lewandowski on June 19, , Lewandowski's last day as campaign manager. Trump could not travel to Russia, a campaign representative such as Papadopoulos could attend meetings. Trump and the campaign to meet specific people. Following Lewandowski' s departure from the Campaign, Papadopoulos communicated with Clovis and Walid Phares, another member of the foreign policy advisory team, about an off- the-record meeting between the Campaign and Russian government officials or with Papadopoulos's other Russia connections, Mifsud and Timofeev.
Papadopoulos's email coincided in time with another message to Clovis suggesting a Trump-Putin meeting. The email stated that Klein had contacted Lazar in February about a possible Trump-Putin meeting and that Lazar was "a very close confidante of Putin. The investigation did not find evidence that Clovis responded to Klein's email or that any further contacts of significance came out of Klein's subsequent meeting with Greenblatt and Rabbi Lazar at Trump Tower. George Papadopoulos far right and Sam Clovis secondfrom right.
Although Clovis claimed to have no recollection of attending the TAG summit, Papadopoulos remembered discussing Russia and a foreign policy trip with Clovis and Phares during the event. The pre-summit messages included a July 11 , email in which Phares suggested meeting Papadopoulos the day after the summit to chat, and a July 12 message in the same chain in which Phares advised Papadopoulos that other summit attendees "are very nervous about Russia.
So be aware. Finally, Papadopoulos's recollection is also consistent with handwritten notes from a. In September - if allowed they will blast Mr. Ur fe. Later communications indicate that Clovis determined that he Clovis could not travel. The notes, however, appear to read as listed in-the column to the left of the image above.
Papadopoulos admitted telling at least one individual outside of the Campaign- specifically, the then-Greek foreign minister-about Russia's obtaining Clinton-related emails. B, supra. Such disclosures raised questions about whether Papadopoulos informed any Trump Campaign official about the emails. When interviewed, Papadopoulos and the Campaign officials who interacted with him told the Office that they could not recall Papadopoulos's sharing the information that Russia had obtained "dirt" on candidate Clinton in the form of emails or that Russia could assist the Campaign through the anonymous release of information about Clinton.
Papadopoulos stated that he could not clearly recall having told anyone on the Campaign and wavered about whether he accurately remembered an incident in which Clovis had been upset after hearing Papadopoulos tell Clovis that Papadopoulos thought "they have her emails. Senior policy advisor Stephen Miller, for example, did not remember hearing anything from Papadopoulos or Clovis about Russia having emails of or dirt on candidate Clinton.
George Papadopoulos, lcr D. No documentary evidence, and nothing in the email accounts or other communications facilities reviewed by the Office, shows that Papadopoulos shared this information with the Campaign.
The Office investigated another Russia-related contact with Papadopoulos. The Office was not fully able to explore the contact because the individual at issue-Sergei Millian-remained out of the country since the inception of our investigation and declined to meet with members of the Office despite our repeated efforts to obtain an interview.
On July 31 , , following his first in-person meeting with Millian, Papadopoulos emailed Trump Campaign official Bo Denysyk to say that he had been contacted "by some leaders of Russian-American voters here in the US about their interest in voting for Mr.
Trump," and to ask whether he should "put you in touch with their group US-Russia chamber of commerce. On August 23, , Millian sent a Facebook message to Papadopoulos promising that he would "share with you a disruptive technology that might be instrumental in your political work for the campaign.
On November 9, , shortly after the election, Papadopoulos arranged to meet Millian in Chicago to discuss business opportunities, including potential work with Russian " billionaires who are not under sanctions.
He was formally and publicly announced as a foreign policy advisor by the candidate in March During his time with the Campaign, Page advocated pro-Russia foreign policy positions and traveled to Moscow in his personal capacity. Russian intelligence officials had formed relationships with Page in and and Russian officials may have focused on Page in because of his affiliation with the Campaign.
However, the investigation did not establish that Page coordinated with the Russian government in its efforts to interfere with the presidential election. Before he began working for the Campaign in January , Page had substantial prior experience studying Russian policy issues and living and working in Moscow.
From to , Page was the deputy branch manager of Merrill Lynch's Moscow office. Page was forced to draw down his life savings to support himself and pursue his business venture.
In , Victor Podobnyy, another Russian intelligence officer working covertly in the United States under diplomatic cover, formed a relationship with Page. Buryakov, 1: mj S. Gazprom thinking that if they have a project, he could Link to tweet. Thread info Bookmark this thread Trash this thread. Always highlight: 10 newest replies Replies posted after I mark a forum. Original post. I have downloaded it.
Soon it will become your favorite! This reveals how many tentacles from Mueller are still out there. It would make a great name for a band. Thank you!!!!! Thank You. If it doesn't send me DU mail. I was really hoping to keep this limited to DU folks No worries I was trying to be helpful, not thinking ahead Thanks much. Better to have the document than listen to talking heads explaining it.
There are typos in your quote.
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